In 2004, Wangari Maathai became the first African woman to receive the Nobel Peace Prize for “her contribution to sustainable development, democracy and peace.”
I heard her give her Nobel speech one chilly December morning while I was flipping channels and was quite struck by her story. This woman has such passion and strength, and had such courage in the face of immeasurable obstacles. On top of all that, she is just plain feisty. We need feisty. Lisa Merton, the co-director of the film TAKING ROOT, attested to this feistiness when she came to our college to talk about the making of the documentary (clip above). I invited Lisa to come speak about her experience working with Maathai and to share her film with our PSU students a few years ago. I'm so glad I did. It is a moving and epic story -- truly a testament to the power of ordinary people and trees to transform the planet!
Kenya was under a harsh dictatorship in the 1970's when she founded the Green Belt Movement, an environmental non-governmental organization focused on the planting of trees, environmental conservation, and women's rights. Maathai made the connection between the environment and human dignity -- impoverished women in rural Kenya did not have access to the resources they needed because their forests were so degraded by decades of exploitive colonial land use practices which continued under the corrupt post-Independence government.
When Maathai tried to empower local women by asking them to plant trees, she became a target of the brutal regime's attacks. She was arrested, tortured, molested and subject to death threats by government authorities. She would not be silenced, however, and the people rallied to her cause.
Today the Green Belt Movement has planted ONE BILLION trees on this planet. Amazing what a little hope and a lot of hands can do!
Here is an excerpt from her inspiring Nobel Lecture, the full speech can be found at the Nobel Prize website, link below. Take the time to read it, it is worth it. HAPPY EARTH DAY!!
In 1977, when we started the Green Belt Movement, I was partly responding to needs identified by rural women, namely lack of firewood, clean drinking water, balanced diets, shelter and income.
Throughout Africa, women are the primary caretakers, holding significant responsibility for tilling the land and feeding their families. As a result, they are often the first to become aware of environmental damage as resources become scarce and incapable of sustaining their families.
The women we worked with recounted that unlike in the past, they were unable to meet their basic needs. This was due to the degradation of their immediate environment as well as the introduction of commercial farming, which replaced the growing of household food crops. But international trade controlled the price of the exports from these small-scale farmers and a reasonable and just income could not be guaranteed. I came to understand that when the environment is destroyed, plundered or mismanaged, we undermine our quality of life and that of future generations.
Tree planting became a natural choice to address some of the initial basic needs identified by women. Also, tree planting is simple, attainable and guarantees quick, successful results within a reasonable amount time. This sustains interest and commitment.
So, together, we have planted over 30 million trees that provide fuel, food, shelter, and income to support their children's education and household needs. The activity also creates employment and improves soils and watersheds. Through their involvement, women gain some degree of power over their lives, especially their social and economic position and relevance in the family. This work continues.
Initially, the work was difficult because historically our people have been persuaded to believe that because they are poor, they lack not only capital, but also knowledge and skills to address their challenges. Instead they are conditioned to believe that solutions to their problems must come from ‘outside'. Further, women did not realize that meeting their needs depended on their environment being healthy and well managed. They were also unaware that a degraded environment leads to a scramble for scarce resources and may culminate in poverty and even conflict. They were also unaware of the injustices of international economic arrangements.
In order to assist communities to understand these linkages, we developed a citizen education program, during which people identify their problems, the causes and possible solutions. They then make connections between their own personal actions and the problems they witness in the environment and in society. They learn that our world is confronted with a litany of woes:
corruption, violence against women and children, disruption and breakdown of families, and disintegration of cultures and communities. They also identify the abuse of drugs and chemical substances, especially among young people. There are also devastating diseases that are defying cures or occurring in epidemic proportions. Of particular concern are HIV/AIDS, malaria and diseases associated with malnutrition.
On the environment front, they are exposed to many human activities that are devastating to the environment and societies. These include widespread destruction of ecosystems, especially through deforestation, climatic instability, and contamination in the soils and waters that all contribute to excruciating poverty.
In the process, the participants discover that they must be part of the solutions. They realize their hidden potential and are empowered to overcome inertia and take action. They come to recognize that they are the primary custodians and beneficiaries of the environment that sustains them.
Entire communities also come to understand that while it is necessary to hold their governments accountable, it is equally important that in their own relationships with each other, they exemplify the leadership values they wish to see in their own leaders, namely justice, integrity and trust.
Although initially the Green Belt Movement's tree planting activities did not address issues of democracy and peace, it soon became clear that responsible governance of the environment was impossible without democratic space. Therefore, the tree became a symbol for the democratic struggle in Kenya. Citizens were mobilised to challenge widespread abuses of power, corruption and environmental mismanagement. In Nairobi 's Uhuru Park, at Freedom Corner, and in many parts of the country, trees of peace were planted to demand the release of prisoners of conscience and a peaceful transition to democracy.
Through the Green Belt Movement, thousands of ordinary citizens were mobilized and empowered to take action and effect change. They learned to overcome fear and a sense of helplessness and moved to defend democratic rights.
In time, the tree also became a symbol for peace and conflict resolution, especially during ethnic conflicts in Kenya when the Green Belt Movement used peace trees to reconcile disputing communities. During the ongoing re-writing of the Kenyan constitution, similar trees of peace were planted in many parts of the country to promote a culture of peace. Using trees as a symbol of peace is in keeping with a widespread African tradition. For example, the elders of the Kikuyu carried a staff from the thigi tree that, when placed between two disputing sides, caused them to stop fighting and seek reconciliation. Many communities in Africa have these traditions.
http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/2004/maathai-lecture-text.html
It seems to me that the world can use a few more staffs made of the thigi trees just about now. Maybe Mr. Obama, our own Nobel Peace Prize winner, has forgotten the roots of his ancestors. It would be wise for all of us to remember the lessons once taught by the African elders and find a place for reconciliation and peace in our hearts...
--Dr. Whitney Howarth, Department of History and Philosophy, Plymouth State University, N.H.
Guest blogger and proud member of the Peace and Social Justice Studies Council
Friday, April 22, 2011
Thursday, March 3, 2011
Pakistan's Minorities Minister Assassinated
We mourn today the loss of a prominent Cabinet minister in the Pakistani government, shot dead by Islamists. A Christian, Mr. Shahbaz Bhatti was the second member of the Pakistani government to be assassinated for opposing the 'blasphemy law.' This law is designed to protect the Islamic faith by ensuring a death sentence for anyone who insults the Prophet Mohammad. On the other hand, it is also on occasion used to subjugate other faiths, which do not take similar retribution.
The courts carry a death sentence for blasphemy law violations, although they have often not been carried out -- because lynch mobs are more likely to engage in extrajudicial killings. Efforts to reform this law, such as relying on more than witness testimony subject to grudge motivations or revenge, have been met with death threats.
Mr. Bhatti, according to the BBC, was well aware of these threats, and on film predicted his assassination about four months previous to it (BBC story, and the film, available here). He now joins Punjab Governor Salman Taseer, shot dead in January.
Two things in this story are most alarming for a culture of peace: (a) pamphlets found at the scene of Mr. Bhatti's assassination (outside his mother's house) are by al-Qaeda and Tehrik-i-Taliban Punjab; and (b) the deputy spokesman of Tehrik-i-Taliban told the BBC Urdu: "We will continue to target all those who speak against the law which punishes those who insult the prophet. Their fate will be the same."
Mr. Bhatti knew his fate, and yet kept working for the representation and protection of minorities in Pakistan. This is a hard road to walk.
Tehrik-i-Taliban is on record as pursuing extrajudicial killings, and has stated publicly that its premeditation is to continue to do so until there is no one left to debate, compromise, or share. This is an easy road to walk.
Murdering the opposition until there is no opposition speaks ill of peace-loving Muslims everywhere. We mourn on their behalf also.
The courts carry a death sentence for blasphemy law violations, although they have often not been carried out -- because lynch mobs are more likely to engage in extrajudicial killings. Efforts to reform this law, such as relying on more than witness testimony subject to grudge motivations or revenge, have been met with death threats.
Mr. Bhatti, according to the BBC, was well aware of these threats, and on film predicted his assassination about four months previous to it (BBC story, and the film, available here). He now joins Punjab Governor Salman Taseer, shot dead in January.
Two things in this story are most alarming for a culture of peace: (a) pamphlets found at the scene of Mr. Bhatti's assassination (outside his mother's house) are by al-Qaeda and Tehrik-i-Taliban Punjab; and (b) the deputy spokesman of Tehrik-i-Taliban told the BBC Urdu: "We will continue to target all those who speak against the law which punishes those who insult the prophet. Their fate will be the same."
Mr. Bhatti knew his fate, and yet kept working for the representation and protection of minorities in Pakistan. This is a hard road to walk.
Tehrik-i-Taliban is on record as pursuing extrajudicial killings, and has stated publicly that its premeditation is to continue to do so until there is no one left to debate, compromise, or share. This is an easy road to walk.
Murdering the opposition until there is no opposition speaks ill of peace-loving Muslims everywhere. We mourn on their behalf also.
2011 World Day of Social Justice
"Social justice is more than an ethical imperative, it is a foundation for national stability and global prosperity. Equal opportunity, solidarity and respect for human rights -- these are essential to unlocking the full productive potential of nations and peoples.."
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
Message for the 2011 World Day of Social Justice
20 February 2011
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
Message for the 2011 World Day of Social Justice
20 February 2011
Thursday, February 10, 2011
Children and Armed Conflict
Krisan Evenson, PhD, Children and Armed Conflict
I began teaching at my current university in 2006, so I'm happy to celebrate my fifth anniversary here! My research and applied work (political psychology) focus on children and armed conflict, and my attention is directed especially toward these children's resiliency and recovery, international conflict resolution, and peace.
The presence of child soldiers, exploited youth, and scarred adolescents is contrary to the goals of our global peace-seeking governance institutions. These children are under-reported, and under-regarded by the global media too. Until the Lome Accord (1999) to end Sierra Leone's conflict, children were also not a part of reconciliation or peace treaties, even in cases where the adult populations are decimated, and child soldiers used as substitutes for adults. They returned to civilian life, only to find that in the absence of childhood (stolen or lost) and the impossibility of adult roles, they were caught in a no-man's land. Many choose to rejoin child soldierhood, as it represents a way to survive, however briefly. Global media more often portray children as unfortunate victims of war, rather than resilient individuals who know more about peace than many, many adults. In the Lome Accords, they were finally included in the post-conflict planning: parties began by "[R]ecognising the imperative that the children of Sierra Leone, especially those affected by armed conflict, in view of their vulnerability, are entitled to special care and the protection of their inherent right to life, survival and development, in accordance with the provisions of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child" (Preamble, Lome Accord).
Another woman celebrating her fifth anniversary is one of my heroines, Radhika Coomaraswamy, who was appointed in 2006 by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to be his special representative for children and armed conflict. His successor, Ban Ki-Moon, re-appointed her; the work she is doing on behalf of children worldwide is phenomenal. For example, she has worked to make real the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child -- the document where countries agree to avoid recruiting children into war, and to stop non-state actors on their territory from using children in war. The number of signatory countries has risen to 139, while over 50 still are not members. (Of these, 23 have signed but not ratified the document in their own countries). (See http://zerounder18.org/Portals/ZeroUnder18/documents/Concept%20Note%20-%20Zerounder18%20Campaign.pdf for more details).
Ms. Coomaraswamy's strategy includes several objectives, but here are my two favorites:
-- to make children and armed conflict concerns an integral aspect of peacekeeping and peacebuilding; and
-- to identify new trends and strategies for the protection of children through research.
The first goal is important because 80% of refugee populations are women and children. The second goal is equally important. The more traumatized youth we have in conflict zones, the lower the chances of national integrity, sovereignty, and development. Front-line humanitarian aid workers are beginning to benefit from research conducted by mental health professionals who interview war-affected children, engage them in life-saving therapy, and help them rediscover childhood, go back to school wherever possible, and above all, listen to what they themselves consider to be most important in their lives. (I am a member, for example, of the Washington Network on Children and Armed Conflict, a group of practitioners and scholars devoted to these issues). We know that such things as drawing therapy is helpful to children traumatized by war, particularly when they are too young to verbally articulate their experiences, and we have seen some parallels across trauma situations and across armed conflicts.
These gains are especially poignant as Southern Sudan's recent referendum on independence from Sudan is acknowledged by objective observers to be an open, free and fair process (and as a corresponding spike in armed conflict is experienced yet again in Darfur over the past few weeks). We should be as vigilant about other situations on the horizon: the Nagorno-Karabakh region, a source of potential war (quite soon) between Armenia and Azerbaijan bound to have an ethnic violence element; or the border regions between Cambodia and Thailand, and the Burma-Thailand border, where children are also at risk of violence.
And then there is the receding presence of the US in Afghanistan while they develop domestic sources of peacekeeping, security, and the institutions of government for stability. The status of children's safety is not assured. Radhika Coomaraswamy was there just recently, and notes several causes for concern (reported by IRIN, at
http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91869 with the following details). Although the Foreign Minister became a signatory on behalf of Afghanistan on 30 January, outlawing the recruitment of children by the Afghan armed forces, they are used by a variety of groups for various purposes. On the one hand, both the national police force and armed opposition groups like the Taliban are recruiting boys as foot soldiers. The Taliban also recruit boys as suicide bombers. There is disagreement here on the definition of adulthood-- international law defines it as aged 18, while in some places facial hair indicates entry to adulthood. So while in breach of international law, it is possible to say that local definitions of adulthood and childhood affect people of the same age group.
The use of children in armed conflict and the risks to children in this environment is not limited to opposition groups. (Amnesty International USA has a page devoted to frequently asked questions here). US and NATO groups are beginning to train and use local pro-government militia forces as neighborhood watch group equivalents, to build security, trust, and stability. These groups, however, use children, a violation of US law whenever such groups are contracted to meet military objectives. Aside from their recruitment into soldierhood, human rights groups note that these armed forces engage in 'bacha bazi’, the sexual exploitation of young boys (see IRIN's report on this aspect, at http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91676).
Big challenges, met by the two goals I cite above. I work hard to contribute to both. I know Radhika Coomaraswamy does. Happy Anniversary to us. May the world change enough so that we can celebrate other types of anniversaries instead.
I began teaching at my current university in 2006, so I'm happy to celebrate my fifth anniversary here! My research and applied work (political psychology) focus on children and armed conflict, and my attention is directed especially toward these children's resiliency and recovery, international conflict resolution, and peace.
The presence of child soldiers, exploited youth, and scarred adolescents is contrary to the goals of our global peace-seeking governance institutions. These children are under-reported, and under-regarded by the global media too. Until the Lome Accord (1999) to end Sierra Leone's conflict, children were also not a part of reconciliation or peace treaties, even in cases where the adult populations are decimated, and child soldiers used as substitutes for adults. They returned to civilian life, only to find that in the absence of childhood (stolen or lost) and the impossibility of adult roles, they were caught in a no-man's land. Many choose to rejoin child soldierhood, as it represents a way to survive, however briefly. Global media more often portray children as unfortunate victims of war, rather than resilient individuals who know more about peace than many, many adults. In the Lome Accords, they were finally included in the post-conflict planning: parties began by "[R]ecognising the imperative that the children of Sierra Leone, especially those affected by armed conflict, in view of their vulnerability, are entitled to special care and the protection of their inherent right to life, survival and development, in accordance with the provisions of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child" (Preamble, Lome Accord).
Ms. Coomaraswamy's strategy includes several objectives, but here are my two favorites:
-- to make children and armed conflict concerns an integral aspect of peacekeeping and peacebuilding; and
-- to identify new trends and strategies for the protection of children through research.
The first goal is important because 80% of refugee populations are women and children. The second goal is equally important. The more traumatized youth we have in conflict zones, the lower the chances of national integrity, sovereignty, and development. Front-line humanitarian aid workers are beginning to benefit from research conducted by mental health professionals who interview war-affected children, engage them in life-saving therapy, and help them rediscover childhood, go back to school wherever possible, and above all, listen to what they themselves consider to be most important in their lives. (I am a member, for example, of the Washington Network on Children and Armed Conflict, a group of practitioners and scholars devoted to these issues). We know that such things as drawing therapy is helpful to children traumatized by war, particularly when they are too young to verbally articulate their experiences, and we have seen some parallels across trauma situations and across armed conflicts.
These gains are especially poignant as Southern Sudan's recent referendum on independence from Sudan is acknowledged by objective observers to be an open, free and fair process (and as a corresponding spike in armed conflict is experienced yet again in Darfur over the past few weeks). We should be as vigilant about other situations on the horizon: the Nagorno-Karabakh region, a source of potential war (quite soon) between Armenia and Azerbaijan bound to have an ethnic violence element; or the border regions between Cambodia and Thailand, and the Burma-Thailand border, where children are also at risk of violence.
And then there is the receding presence of the US in Afghanistan while they develop domestic sources of peacekeeping, security, and the institutions of government for stability. The status of children's safety is not assured. Radhika Coomaraswamy was there just recently, and notes several causes for concern (reported by IRIN, at
http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91869 with the following details). Although the Foreign Minister became a signatory on behalf of Afghanistan on 30 January, outlawing the recruitment of children by the Afghan armed forces, they are used by a variety of groups for various purposes. On the one hand, both the national police force and armed opposition groups like the Taliban are recruiting boys as foot soldiers. The Taliban also recruit boys as suicide bombers. There is disagreement here on the definition of adulthood-- international law defines it as aged 18, while in some places facial hair indicates entry to adulthood. So while in breach of international law, it is possible to say that local definitions of adulthood and childhood affect people of the same age group.
The use of children in armed conflict and the risks to children in this environment is not limited to opposition groups. (Amnesty International USA has a page devoted to frequently asked questions here). US and NATO groups are beginning to train and use local pro-government militia forces as neighborhood watch group equivalents, to build security, trust, and stability. These groups, however, use children, a violation of US law whenever such groups are contracted to meet military objectives. Aside from their recruitment into soldierhood, human rights groups note that these armed forces engage in 'bacha bazi’, the sexual exploitation of young boys (see IRIN's report on this aspect, at http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportID=91676).
Big challenges, met by the two goals I cite above. I work hard to contribute to both. I know Radhika Coomaraswamy does. Happy Anniversary to us. May the world change enough so that we can celebrate other types of anniversaries instead.
Friday, September 24, 2010
Academics and Activism Events for Peace & Social Justice at Plymouth State University Kick Off!
The Committee for a Culture of Peace and Social Justice in New Hampshire recently kicked off its new season for the academic year. We have great plans for growing programs, organizing our mission, and celebrating our students.
We began with marking an important occasion in the year of the United Nations -- the International Day of Peace, held annually on 21 September. At our campus, students in several organizations distributed bookmarks commemorating the day, and encouraging fellow PSU community members to serve our world by playing Free Rice. Free Rice is an online game wherein players answer vocabulary questions; each correctly answered question wins 10 grains of rice for the world's hungry, donated via the World Food Programme. An incorrectly answered question results in an easier question. Interested parties should visit http://www.freerice.org -- but let the player beware: rice-giving is addictive.
Our Committee has also been working with the on-campus Peace & Justice Studies minor to fuse our efforts, and provide added support to new academic initiatives. Stay tuned, and feel free to follow this blog! (how-to instructions at right).
We began with marking an important occasion in the year of the United Nations -- the International Day of Peace, held annually on 21 September. At our campus, students in several organizations distributed bookmarks commemorating the day, and encouraging fellow PSU community members to serve our world by playing Free Rice. Free Rice is an online game wherein players answer vocabulary questions; each correctly answered question wins 10 grains of rice for the world's hungry, donated via the World Food Programme. An incorrectly answered question results in an easier question. Interested parties should visit http://www.freerice.org -- but let the player beware: rice-giving is addictive.
Our Committee has also been working with the on-campus Peace & Justice Studies minor to fuse our efforts, and provide added support to new academic initiatives. Stay tuned, and feel free to follow this blog! (how-to instructions at right).
Thursday, March 11, 2010
Concord Peace Conference and Rally, Fri Mar 12 and Sat Mar 13
The upcoming Concord Peace Conference and Rally, set for Fri. Mar. 12 and Sat. Mar. 13. is sponsored by NH Peace Action, American Friends Service Committee – NH, and many other groups.
It features a 7 PM Fri. Mar. 12 Keynote speech by Joseph Gerson (AFSC – New England, Director of Programs) at Concord High School.
On Sat. Mar. 13, there are workshops from 8:30 am to 12 noon at Concord High School. Then, from 1:00-1:30 PM there will be a Peace March from Concord High School to the State House Plaza, and a Rally at the State House from 1:30-2:30 PM.
Here is a link to a 2-page brochure on the event: http://www.afsc.org/newhampshire/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/86775
Here is a link to a flyer for the March and Rally: http://www.afsc.org/newhampshire/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/86955
And did we mention that our very own Will Hopkins is the Executive Director of NH Peace Action?
It features a 7 PM Fri. Mar. 12 Keynote speech by Joseph Gerson (AFSC – New England, Director of Programs) at Concord High School.
On Sat. Mar. 13, there are workshops from 8:30 am to 12 noon at Concord High School. Then, from 1:00-1:30 PM there will be a Peace March from Concord High School to the State House Plaza, and a Rally at the State House from 1:30-2:30 PM.
Here is a link to a 2-page brochure on the event: http://www.afsc.org/newhampshire/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/86775
Here is a link to a flyer for the March and Rally: http://www.afsc.org/newhampshire/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/86955
And did we mention that our very own Will Hopkins is the Executive Director of NH Peace Action?
Culture of Peace PSU welcomes new members!
Greetings to all,
We are happy to announce that new members have joined our steering committee at Plymouth State University. Students Lindsay Harrington and Bryan Funk, peace and justice studies minors, have come on board. In addition, the committee is joined also by Professor James Whiting, of the Languages and Linguistics Department.
Meanwhile, plans are afoot to attend the now-annual conference, this year on 27 March and held at UNH-Manchester. Feel free to email one of us (see members list at right) for details if you are not already 'in the know' -- and better yet, if you're a faculty member, and you've registered, bring a student!
We are happy to announce that new members have joined our steering committee at Plymouth State University. Students Lindsay Harrington and Bryan Funk, peace and justice studies minors, have come on board. In addition, the committee is joined also by Professor James Whiting, of the Languages and Linguistics Department.
Meanwhile, plans are afoot to attend the now-annual conference, this year on 27 March and held at UNH-Manchester. Feel free to email one of us (see members list at right) for details if you are not already 'in the know' -- and better yet, if you're a faculty member, and you've registered, bring a student!
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Posts
